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Pied Piper of Atheism: Philip Pullman and Children's Fantasy | Pete Vere and Sandra Miesel

God Is No Delusion: A Refutation of Richard Dawkins | Thomas Crean, O.P.

Socrates Meets Descartes | Peter Kreeft

Sermon in a Sentence: Saint Thomas Aquinas | John McClernon

New Outpourings of the Spirit | Joseph Ratzinger

Meet Henri De Lubac | Rudolf Voderholzer

Marian Devotion in the Domestic Church | Catherine & Peter Fournier

Joseph Ratzinger: Life in the Church and Living Theology | Maximilian Heinrich Heim

The Greek Fathers: Their Lives and Adventures | Adrian Fortescue

Ignatius Catholic Study Bible: The Letter to the Hebrews | Scott Hahn and Curtis Mitch

Chastity, Poverty and Obedience | Mother Mary Francis, P.C.C.

The Blessing of Christmas | Joseph Cardinal Ratzinger

Chance or Purpose?: Creation, Evolution, and a Rational Faith | Chrisoph Cardinal Schšnborn

Island of the World: A Novel | Michael O'Brien

The Order of Things | James V. Schall, S.J.

The Judge: William P. Clark, Ronald Reagan's Top Hand | Paul Kengor & Patricia Clark Doerner

Seek that Which is Above | Pope Benedict XVI

Jesus, the Apostles and the Early Church | Pope Benedict XVI

God and His Image: An Outline of Biblical Theology | Dominique Barthelemey

An Invitation to Faith: An A to Z Primer on the Thought of Pope Benedict XVI | Pope Benedict XVI

Mother Benedict: Foundress of the Abbey of Regina Laudis | Antoinette Bosco

Pope Benedict XVI: The Conscience of Our Age | Vincent Twomey

Ronald Knox as Apologist: Wit, Laughter and the Popish Creed | Fr. Milton Walsh

Christians in China: A.D. 600-2000 | Jean Charbonnier

 

Fanatic Anti-Christianity | Dr. James Hitchcock | IgnatiusInsight.com

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Scarcely a day goes by without some new warning that religious fanatics are destroying American liberties. One of the most widely publicized is by former Senator John Danforth of Missouri, who is both a lawyer and an Episcopal clergyman and also speaks as a Republican who longs for the good old days when the party was interested in things like balancing the budget, before it was "captured" by religious fanatics.

He is correct that the kind of Republicans whom he now views with dismay would not have felt welcome in the days of Barry Goldwater or even Richard Nixon. (Goldwater spent his later years growling about them.) Involvement with "the religious right" has brought many political advantages to the party (including electing Danforth to the Senate several times), but in effect he seems to want to return to the days when, despite some success in winning the White House, Republicans were a permanent minority party. This older party is sometimes called the "country club Republicans," and Danforth fears that the membership committee has gotten rather lax in its standards.

Danforth the clergyman and Danforth the politician are difficult to separate, because he proposes things that he claims are both right for the nation and good for the party, which he warns will ultimately suffer at the polls for its "pandering" to believers. The latter claim may or may not be true, but where does principle end and political self-interest begin? It is the essence of politics, as Danforth knows, that politicians do what they think will get them elected, but he talks as though there is something uniquely calculating about those who espouse a conservative moral agenda.

Danforth is passionately in favor of embryonic stem-cell research and dismayed at people who object that it involves taking human life, and here the old image of the Republicans as merely the party of business comes back into view--those who are pushing for this in Missouri claim that it will bring huge economic benefits to the state, so that voters are being asked in effect to choose between their wallets and their consciences.

Ironically for a man of the cloth, Danforth's account of true Republican principles seems to confirm the old claim that his party does not care about people. The Terri Schiavo case woke him up to the dangers of the "religious right." But whereas the most basic task of government is to protect life, and Terry Schiavo's fate obviously raises questions that will trouble the nation more and more, Danforth appears to see no moral issue at all, only a violation his party's supposed traditional commitment to limited government and state's rights.







He professes also to believe that marriage is between a man and a woman but that government should stay out of the issue of homosexual "marriage." (His Republican principles forbid that the U.S. Constitution be amended to define marriage but require that the Missouri constitution be amended to insure tax subsidies for stem-cell research.) But Danforth the lawyer surely knows that the state has always determined who is or is not married - bigamy and polygamy are punishable by law and certain children are declared illegitimate. Marriage has become a political issue not because of a departure from solid Republican principles but precisely because a consensus thousands of years old is now under attack.

Danforth is simplistic in attributing such issues solely to religious belief. Pro-lifers do not oppose abortion or euthanasia simply on the grounds that their faith dictates it. Rather they respond to very concrete human situations--a young woman being starved to death, a child being dismembered by a doctor shortly before birth. Even an atheist ought to recognize the seriousness of those issues.

In his warnings against conservative religious believers, Danforth inevitably falls into the trap that is built into the very idea of liberal "pluralism"--urging believers to be charitable and tolerant in their public utterances even while almost hysterically condemning the "religious right" as a threat to the Republic.

In the kind of sermon that has now become commonplace, a minister in St. Louis recently warned in a newspaper that the "religious right" is a distortion of true religion and hides all kinds of nefarious schemes behind idealistic rhetoric. In the name of tolerance her message was in effect, "Only people like me are real Christians." Objectively, she is an ally of Danforth, but he has nothing to say about this kind of liberal intolerance, just as he has nothing to say about the often breathtakingly bigoted attacks on religious believers put forth daily in the mainstream media.

A standard criticism of conservative believers is that they "intrude" issues into the political process that are "divisive." But once again, the critics offer their own view as the only correct one - favoring homosexual marriage is not divisive, opposing it is. One of Danforth's critics has pointed out that "divisiveness" is in fact the very essence of the democratic process, but Danforth seems to think that conflict involving religion is alone objectionable, making religious believers guilty of "imposing" their views on others. Danforth reminds people that, when he was a senator, he consistently opposed abortion, a position he does not explicitly repudiate. But those who warn against the evils of the "religious right" mean primarily abortion, so Danforth himself was once guilty of "imposing" his beliefs on others.

It might seem possible to resolve this contradiction by proposing that, if people disagree about things like abortion, government should simply do nothing. But no one really believes this. Those who oppose the war in Iraq or capital punishment, for example, insist that there is a moral and religious obligation for the government to act on their judgment. In reality, rather than conservative believers "intruding" religion into politics, the battle is often between two rival theologies. Thus in St. Louis recently a rabbi and two ministers (one an Episcopalian colleague of Danforth) declared that they know what God thinks about stem-cell research and that there is a religious obligation to support it. Danforth praises his own church because it "holds within itself a variety of views. And I think that is good," thereby implying that the remedy for religious divisiveness is for everyone to emulate the Episcopalians.

Danforth clearly seems to believe that, despite his own one-time pro-life position, conservative religion has no legitimate place in the public square. But the issue has quickly moved beyond questions of church and state and into the semi-public realm, so that some people now demand to be protected from Christmas symbolism in retail stores, for example.

Danforth reports that, when asked a few years ago to give a blessing at Yale University, he prayed in the name of the Trinity but later realized that he had made a mistake, offending people who did not share his faith. But he was made aware of his error by the Yale chaplain, William Sloane Coffin, a minister who had his own left-wing religious agenda that he never hesitated to push as hard as he could, everywhere and always. It is also likely that if, for example, the Dalai Lama came to Yale and chanted Buddhist prayers, it would be praised as an inspiring experience. Danforth seems not to realize that special restrictions have been imposed on traditional Christians and that he was required to make what used to be called a denial of one's faith.

(This article originally appeared on October 15, 2006, on the Women for Faith and Family website. It is reprinted by the kind permission of the author.)



Other IgnatiusInsight.com columns by Dr. Hitchcock:

Our Enslavement to "Freedom"
Conscience and Chaos
Homosexual Orientation Is Not a "Gift"
The Divine Authority of Scripture vs. the "Hermeneutic of Suspicion"
Ordeal by Ideology: The Grilling of Judge Roberts
The Supreme Court's Penumbra of Politics
Joseph Cardinal Ratzinger: Man for the Job
Confronting Modern Culture; Asserting the Gospel
Conservative Bishops, Liberal Results
Is Tolerance Intolerant?
The Myth of the Wall of Separation
The Church and the Media
Personally Opposed—To What?
Theory of the Enlightened Class



Dr. James Hitchcock, (e-mail) professor of history at St. Louis University, writes and lectures on contemporary Church matters. His column appears in the diocesan press, in the Adoremus Bulletin, and on the Women for Faith and Family website. He is the author of several books, including The Recovery of the Sacred, What is Secular Humanism?, and Years of Crisis: Collected Essays, 1970-1983.

Princeton University Press just published his two-volume history of the Supreme Court, The Supreme Court and Religion in American Life: The Odyssey of the Religion Clauses (Vol. 1) and From "Higher Law" to "Sectarian Scruples" (Vol. 2). He is also a regular contributor to many Catholic periodicals, including Catholic World Report.



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G.K. Chesterton (1874-1936) was one of the finest Christian authors and apologists of the past two hundred years. Raised as an agnostic, he embraced Christianity as a young man, ultimately entering the Catholic Church in 1922. He wrote hundreds of essays, as well as novels, short stories, poetry, apologetics, literary criticism, and nearly everything else imaginable. Dale Ahlquist, president and co-founder of the American Chesterton Society and author of G.K Chesterton: Apostle of Common Sense, writes, "Chesterton was equally at ease with literary and social criticism, history, politics, economics, philosophy, and theology. His style is unmistakable, always marked by humility, consistency, paradox, wit, and wonder. His writing remains as timely and as timeless today as when it first appeared, even though much of it was published in throw away paper." Read more about the life and work of this remarkable thinker, author, and apologist.



Confessions of an Ex-Feminist
by Lorraine V. Murray


Confessions is the honest and heart-rending account of a woman who was born into a Catholic family, attended parochial schools and fully embraced the beliefs of her faith, but ran into major roadblocks in college. Amidst the radical feminist college environment of the 1960's, she lost her faith, and her morality, jumping aboard the bandwagon of "free love." She indulged in a series of love relationships in college, all of which crashed and burned. Despite the obvious contradiction between feminist teachings and her own experience, Murray still believed she had to free herself from the yoke of tradition. Attaining a doctorate in philosophy, with an emphasis on the feminist writings of Simone de Beauvoir, Murray taught philosophy in college. For many years, she launched a personal vendetta against God and the Catholic Church in the classroom, trying to persuade students that God did not exist, mocking values Catholics hold dear, and touted feminism as the cure for many social ills. When she discovered she was pregnant, Murray followed the route that feminists offer as a solution for unmarried women. Much to her surprise, her abortion was a shattering emotional experience, which she grieved over for years. It was the first tragic chink in her feminist armor.

Read more about Confessions of an Ex-Feminist, or read an excerpt from the book.










 
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